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湖州双眼皮吧长兴县泗安皮肤病防治站激光脱毛多少钱REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENTAFTER ROUNDTABLE WITH BUSINESS LEADERS TODISCUSS EMPLOYER HEALTH CARE COSTS Roosevelt Room12:23 P.M. EDTTHE PRESIDENT: Hello, everybody. We just had a wonderful conversation that is a corollary to the discussion that I had yesterday. And you may be seeing a theme, this was -- we're doing some stuff on health care because I think the country is geared up, businesses are geared up, families are geared up, to go ahead and start solving some of our extraordinary health care system problems.Yesterday we focused a lot on cost. One element of cost is that where companies are able to take initiatives to make their employees healthier, to give them incentives and mechanisms to improve their wellness and to prevent disease, companies see their bottom lines improve.And so what we've done is to gather together a group today -- some of the best practitioners of prevention and wellness, wellness programs -- in the private sector. You have companies like Safeway that have been able to hold their costs flat for their employees at a time when other companies are seeing double-digit inflation in their health care.You've got terrific innovations at companies like Microsoft, where they actually have used home visits of doctors to reduce the utilization of emergency room care and are saving themselves millions of dollars.We've got the Hotel Employees Union that has been taking data and working individually with providers as well as their membership, working with the employer and the employee as well as the providers, and seeing huge reductions in some of the costs related to chronic illnesses.Johnson amp; Johnson has been a leader in this area since 1978. Pitney Bowes has been taking similar approaches and seeing millions of dollars in savings to their bottom line. The Ohio Department of Public Health has been doing terrific work with respect to their state employees as well as sping the message across the state.And then REI, which has to be fit since they're a fitness company -- (laughter) -- has been doing work that allows them to provide health care coverage, health insurance, not only to their full-time employees but also their part-time employees. Every single employee is covered, but part of the reason they're able to do it is because they put a big emphasis on prevention and wellness.So what we've done here today is to gather together some of these stories and best practices to make sure that they are going to be informing the health care reform discussions that take place here in Washington. There's no quick fix, there's no silver bullet. When you hear what Safeway or Johnson amp; Johnson or any of these other companies have done, what you've seen is sustained experimentation over many years and a shift in incentive structures so that employees see concrete benefits as a consequence of them stopping smoking or losing weight or getting exercise, working with providers -- the provider incentives are aligned with the employee incentives as well, and changing the culture of a company.Now, if we can do that in individual companies, there's no reason why we can't do that for a country as a whole. Part of what we want to do here, starting here today is to lift up these best practices so other companies can identify and potentially implement them; but also to make sure that when we think about how we're going to reform the health care system as a whole, when we think about things like Medicare and Medicaid reimbursements, when we think about how we can make the system more efficient, that we're not just doing this in the abstract, but we're actually taking proven measures that have been applied in the private sector and seeing how we can apply those, for example, to federal employees and our employee health care system. All this designed to save taxpayers money, save businesses money and ultimately make the American people healthier and happier and make sure that we're getting a better bang for our health care dollar.So it's been a terrific conversation. This will be a part of the ongoing process that we're developing over the next several months and I appreciate all of you for participating in a wonderful conversation.All right. Thank you, guys.END 12:29 P.M. EDT05/69670湖州纹眼线多少钱 It is that unique self-definition which has given us an exceptional appeal, but it also imposes on us a special obligation,正是这种独一无二的自我定义,赋予了我们非同寻常的号召力,但同时也加之于我们一项特殊的义务,to take on those moral duties which, when assumed, seem invariably to be in our own best interests.这就是承担那些一旦履行便似乎总是切合我们最大利益的道义责任。You have given me a great responsibility to stay close to you, to be worthy of you, and to exemplify what you are.你们已赋予我一项巨大的任务,要求我同你们紧密地站在一起,不辜负你们的信任,作为一名代表来展示你们的风貌。Let us create together a new national spirit of unity and trust.让我们协同创造一种团结和信任的新国民精神吧!Your strength can compensate for my weakness, and your wisdom can help to minimize my mistakes.你们的力量能够弥补我的弱点,你们的智慧能够帮助我尽量少犯错误。Let us learn together and laugh together and work together and pray together, confident that in the end we will triumph together in the right.让我们一起学习,一起欢笑,一起工作,一起祈祷,对我们最终站在正义一方取得的胜利充满信心吧!The American dream endures. We must once again have full faith in our country and in one another.“美国梦”历久不衰。我们应当对我们的国家重新充满信心,相互之间也要充满信心。I believe America can be better. We can be even stronger than before.我深信美国能够变得更加美好。我们能比以往任何时候都更为强大。Let our recent mistakes bring a resurgent commitment to the basic principles of our Nation, for we know that if we despise our own government we have no future.让我们从最近的种种错误中汲取教训,恢复我们对我国各项基本原则的祟奉,因为我们懂得,我们如果蔑视自己的政府,就毫无前途可言。We recall in special times when we have stood briefly, but magnificently, united.回首往事,我们都记得一些特殊的时刻,那时我们团结一致,In those times no prize was beyond our grasp.虽然为时短暂,但意义深远;在那样的时刻,我们真是无往而不胜。But we cannot dwell upon remembered glory.但我们不可沉缅于记忆之中的荣耀。We cannot afford to drift. We reject the prospect of failure or mediocrity or an inferior quality of life for any person.我们付不起随波逐流的代价。对于失败、庸碌无为或让任何一个人过一种劣质生活这样的前景,我们都难以接受。03/437820As you can see, I brought a few things with me for this weekrsquo;s . A padlock. A pair of boots. A candle. And a pair of socks.No, wersquo;re not having a yard sale. And these products may not appear to have much in common. But theyrsquo;re united by three proud words: ;Made in America.; Theyrsquo;re manufactured by American workers, in American factories, and shipped to customers here and around the world.The companies that make these products are part of a hopeful trend: theyrsquo;re bringing jobs back from overseas. Yoursquo;ve heard of outsourcing ndash; well, this is insourcing. And in this make or break moment for the middle class and those working to get into the middle class, thatrsquo;s exactly the kind of commitment to country that we need.This week, I invited executives from businesses that are insourcing jobs to a forum at the White House. These are CEOs who take pride in hiring people here in America, not just because itrsquo;s increasingly the right thing to do for their bottom line, but also because itrsquo;s the right thing to do for their workers and for our communities and our country.I told those CEOs what Irsquo;ll tell any business leader: ask yourself what you can do to bring more jobs back to the country that made your success possible. And Irsquo;ll make sure yoursquo;ve got a government that does everything in its power to help you succeed.Thatrsquo;s why, in the next few weeks, I will put forward new tax proposals that reward companies that choose to do the right thing by bringing jobs home and investing in America ndash; and eliminate tax breaks for companies that move jobs overseas.Itrsquo;s also why on Friday, I called on Congress to help me make government work better for you. Right now, we have a 21st century economy, but wersquo;ve still got a government organized for the 20th century. Over the years, the needs of Americans have changed, but our government has not. In fact, itrsquo;s gotten even more complex. And that has to change.Thatrsquo;s why I asked Congress to reinstate the authority that past presidents have had to streamline and reform the Executive Branch. This is the same sort of authority that every business owner has to make sure that his or her company keeps pace with the times. Itrsquo;s the same authority that presidents had for over 50 years ndash; up until Ronald Reagan. And let me be clear: I will only use this authority for reforms that result in more efficiency, better service, and a leaner government.These changes will make it easier for small business owners to get the loans and support they need to sell their products around the world. For example, instead of forcing small business owners to navigate the six departments and agencies in the federal government that focus on business and trade, wersquo;ll have one department. One place where entrepreneurs can go from the day they come up with an idea and need a patent, to the day they start building a warehouse, to the day theyrsquo;re y to ship their products overseas.And in the meantime, wersquo;re creating a new website ndash; BusinessUSA ndash; that will serve as a one-stop shop with information for businesses small and large that want to start selling their stuff around the world.This means that more small business owners will see their hard work pay off. More companies will be able to hire new workers. And wersquo;ll be able to rebuild an economy thatrsquo;s not known for paper profits or financial speculation, but for making and selling products like these. Products ;Made in America.;Thank you, and have a great weekend.201201/168357湖州医院隆胸哪个好

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湖州玻尿酸填充去皱Let every Union_loving man,therefore,exert his best influence to suppress this agitation, which since the recent legislation of Congress is without any legitimate object.那么让每一个热爱联邦的人施展其最大影响来压制这场骚动。自从最近的国会立法,它已无任何合法的目标。No nation in the tide of time has ever been blessed with so rich and noble an inheritance as we enjoy in the pubilc lands.没有民族在时代潮流中能象我们享受公共土地那样受到如此丰富高遗的遗产。In administering this important trust, whilst it may be wise to grant portions of them for the improvement of the remainder, yet we should never forget that it is our cardinal policy to reserve these lands, as much as may be,for actual settlers,and this at moderate prices.在管理这一重大委任中,为了改善剩余土地而赠出其中部分也许是明智的,但我们不可忘记我们的最高政府是尽可能地把这些土地,保留给真正的定居者,而且是以低廉的价格。We shall thus not only best promote the prosperity of the new States and Territories, by furnishing them a hardy and independent race of honest and industrious citizens, but shall secure homes for our children and our childrens children, as well as for those exiles from foreign shores who may seek in this country to improve their condition and to enjoy the blessings of civil and religious liberty.我们应该如此,不仅极力促进新的州和领土的繁荣,通过为它们提供弹悍自立而忠诚勤劳的人民,也应为我们的子孙后代,和从外国海岸来到这个国家寻求改善生活和享受政治和宗教自由的人们保一个美好家园。They have proved faithful both in peace and in war.他们不论在和平还是战争年代来都很忠诚。After becoming citizens they are entitled,under the Constitution and laws, to be placed on a perfect equality with native born citizens, and in this character they should ever be kindly recognized.在成为公民后他们将在宪法和法规下,获得同本土出生的公民完全平等的权利,而以此特性他们的地位将被友善地认可。It is our glory that whilst other nations have extended their dominions by the sword we have never acquired any territory except by fait purchase or, as in the case of Texas,by the voluntary determination of a brave,kindred, and independent people to blend their destinies with our won.当别国通过刀剑来扩大范围时,我们只通过公共的购买或者,如得克萨斯州,通过一个勇敢的、有亲情的,独立的民族自愿和我们国家的联合的意愿来获得土地,这是我们的光荣。Even our acquisitions from Mexico form no exception.即使是我们从墨西哥所得到的也不例外。Unwilling to take advantage of the fortune of war against a sister republic, we purchased these possessions under the treaty of peace for a sum which was considered at the time a fair equivalent.不愿对一个兄弟共和国发动战争来取得利益。我们在和平条约下以当时认为是等值的数目来购买这些土地。Our past history forbids that we shall in the future acquire territory unless this be sanctioned by the laws of justice and honor.我们过去的历史禁止我们在未来获取土地,除非是在公正高尚的法律允许的情况下。Acting on this principle,no nation will have a right to interfere or to complain if in the progress of events we shall still further extend our possessions.以此原则行动,没有民族能有权力来干涉或报怨我们在将来随着情况的发展,进一步扩大我们的领地。Hitherto in all our acquisitions the people,under the protection of the American flag, have enjoyed civil and religious liberty,as well as equal and just laws, and have been contented,prosperous,and happy.至今为止在我们所有得到的土地上,人们在美国旗帜的保护下,享受着政治和宗教的自由。以及平等公正的法律:他们也很满意,富裕和幸福。Their trade with the rest of the world has repidly increased, and thus every commercial nation has shared largely in their successful progress.他们同世界各地的贸易也迅速增长。于是每一个商贸国家都能分享到他们的成功发展。02/436496 Stokely CarmichaelBlack Powerdelivered October 1966, Berkeley, CA[AUTHENTICITY CERTIFIED: Text version below transcribed directly from audio. (2)]Thank you very much. It’s a privilege and an honor to be in the white intellectual ghetto of the West. We wanted to do a couple of things before we started. The first is that, based on the fact that SNCC, through the articulation of its program by its chairman, has been able to win elections in Georgia, Alabama, Maryland, and by our appearance here will win an election in California, in 1968 I'm going to run for President of the ed States. I just can't make it, 'cause I wasn't born in the ed States. That's the only thing holding me back.We wanted to say that this is a student conference, as it should be, held on a campus, and that we're not ever to be caught up in the intellectual masturbation of the question of Black Power. That’s a function of people who are advertisers that call themselves reporters. Oh, for my members and friends of the press, my self-appointed white critics, I was ing Mr. Bernard Shaw two days ago, and I came across a very important e which I think is most apropos for you. He says, "All criticism is a[n] autobiography." Dig yourself. Okay.The philosophers Camus and Sartre raise the question whether or not a man can condemn himself. The black existentialist philosopher who is pragmatic, Frantz Fanon, answered the question. He said that man could not. Camus and Sartre was not. We in SNCC tend to agree with Camus and Sartre, that a man cannot condemn himself.sup1; Were he to condemn himself, he would then have to inflict punishment upon himself. An example would be the Nazis. Any prisoner who -- any of the Nazi prisoners who admitted, after he was caught and incarcerated, that he committed crimes, that he killed all the many people that he killed, he committed suicide. The only ones who were able to stay alive were the ones who never admitted that they committed a crimes [sic] against people -- that is, the ones who rationalized that Jews were not human beings and deserved to be killed, or that they were only following orders.On a more immediate scene, the officials and the population -- the white population -- in Neshoba County, Mississippi -- that’s where Philadelphia is -- could not -- could not condemn [Sheriff] Rainey, his deputies, and the other fourteen men that killed three human beings. They could not because they elected Mr. Rainey to do precisely what he did; and that for them to condemn him will be for them to condemn themselves.In a much larger view, SNCC says that white America cannot condemn herself. And since we are liberal, we have done it: You stand condemned. Now, a number of things that arises from that answer of how do you condemn yourselves. Seems to me that the institutions that function in this country are clearly racist, and that they're built upon racism. And the question, then, is how can black people inside of this country move? And then how can white people who say they’re not a part of those institutions begin to move? And how then do we begin to clear away the obstacles that we have in this society, that make us live like human beings? How can we begin to build institutions that will allow people to relate with each other as human beings? This country has never done that, especially around the country of white or black.Now, several people have been upset because we’ve said that integration was irrelevant when initiated by blacks, and that in fact it was a subterfuge, an insidious subterfuge, for the maintenance of white supremacy. Now we maintain that in the past six years or so, this country has been feeding us a "thalidomide drug of integration," and that some negroes have been walking down a dream street talking about sitting next to white people; and that that does not begin to solve the problem; that when we went to Mississippi we did not go to sit next to Ross Barnettsup2;; we did not go to sit next to Jim Clarksup3;; we went to get them out of our way; and that people ought to understand that; that we were never fighting for the right to integrate, we were fighting against white supremacy. Now, then, in order to understand white supremacy we must dismiss the fallacious notion that white people can give anybody their freedom. No man can give anybody his freedom. A man is born free. You may enslave a man after he is born free, and that is in fact what this country does. It enslaves black people after they’re born, so that the only acts that white people can do is to stop denying black people their freedom; that is, they must stop denying freedom. They never give it to anyone. Now we want to take that to its logical extension, so that we could understand, then, what its relevancy would be in terms of new civil rights bills. I maintain that every civil rights bill in this country was passed for white people, not for black people. For example, I am black. I know that. I also know that while I am black I am a human being, and therefore I have the right to go into any public place. White people didn't know that. Every time I tried to go into a place they stopped me. So some boys had to write a bill to tell that white man, "He’s a human being; don’t stop him." That bill was for that white man, not for me. I knew it all the time. I knew it all the time.I knew that I could vote and that that wasn’t a privilege; it was my right. Every time I tried I was shot, killed or jailed, beaten or economically deprived. So somebody had to write a bill for white people to tell them, "When a black man comes to vote, don’t bother him." That bill, again, was for white people, not for black people; so that when you talk about open occupancy, I know I can live anyplace I want to live. It is white people across this country who are incapable of allowing me to live where I want to live. You need a civil rights bill, not me. I know I can live where I want to live.So that the failures to pass a civil rights bill isn’t because of Black Power, isn't because of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee; it's not because of the rebellions that are occurring in the major cities. It is incapability of whites to deal with their own problems inside their own communities. That is the problem of the failure of the civil rights bill.And so in a larger sense we must then ask, How is it that black people move? And what do we do? But the question in a greater sense is, How can white people who are the majority -- and who are responsible for making democracy work -- make it work? They have miserably failed to this point. They have never made democracy work, be it inside the ed States, Vietnam, South Africa, Philippines, South America, Puerto Rico. Wherever American has been, she has not been able to make democracy work; so that in a larger sense, we not only condemn the country for what it's done internally, but we must condemn it for what it does externally. We see this country trying to rule the world, and someone must stand up and start articulating that this country is not God, and cannot rule the world.Now, then, before we move on we ought to develop the white supremacy attitudes that were either conscious or subconscious thought and how they run rampant through the society today. For example, the missionaries were sent to Africa. They went with the attitude that blacks were automatically inferior. As a matter of fact, the first act the missionaries did, you know, when they got to Africa was to make us cover up our bodies, because they said it got them excited. We couldn’t go bare-breasted any more because they got excited.Now when the missionaries came to civilize us because we were uncivilized, educate us because we were uneducated, and give us some -- some literate studies because we were illiterate, they charged a price. The missionaries came with the Bible, and we had the land. When they left, they had the land, and we still have the Bible. And that has been the rationalization for Western civilization as it moves across the world and stealing and plundering and raping everybody in its path. Their one rationalization is that the rest of the world is uncivilized and they are in fact civilized. And they are un-civil-ized.And that runs on today, you see, because what we have today is we have what we call "modern-day Peace Corps missionaries," and they come into our ghettos and they Head Start, Upward Lift, Bootstrap, and Upward Bound us into white society, 'cause they don’t want to face the real problem which is a man is poor for one reason and one reason only: 'cause he does not have money -- period. If you want to get rid of poverty, you give people money -- period.And you ought not to tell me about people who don’t work, and you can’t give people money without working, 'cause if that were true, you’d have to start stopping Rockefeller, Bobby Kennedy, Lyndon Baines Johnson, Lady Bird Johnson, the whole of Standard Oil, the Gulf Corp, all of them, including probably a large number of the Board of Trustees of this university. So the question, then, clearly, is not whether or not one can work; it’s Who has power? Who has power to make his or her acts legitimate? That is all. And that this country, that power is invested in the hands of white people, and they make their acts legitimate. It is now, therefore, for black people to make our acts legitimate.Now we are now engaged in a psychological struggle in this country, and that is whether or not black people will have the right to use the words they want to use without white people giving their sanction to it; and that we maintain, whether they like it or not, we gonna use the word "Black Power" -- and let them address themselves to that; but that we are not going to wait for white people to sanction Black Power. We’re tired waiting; every time black people move in this country, they’re forced to defend their position before they move. It’s time that the people who are supposed to be defending their position do that. That's white people. They ought to start defending themselves as to why they have oppressed and exploited us.Now it is clear that when this country started to move in terms of slavery, the reason for a man being picked as a slave was one reason -- because of the color of his skin. If one was black one was automatically inferior, inhuman, and therefore fit for slavery; so that the question of whether or not we are individually suppressed is nonsensical, and it’s a downright lie. We are oppressed as a group because we are black, not because we are lazy, not because we're apathetic, not because we’re stupid, not because we smell, not because we eat watermelon and have good rhythm. We are oppressed because we are black.And in order to get out of that oppression one must wield the group power that one has, not the individual power which this country then sets the criteria under which a man may come into it. That is what is called in this country as integration: "You do what I tell you to do and then we’ll let you sit at the table with us." And that we are saying that we have to be opposed to that. We must now set up criteria and that if there's going to be any integration, it's going to be a two-way thing. If you believe in integration, you can come live in Watts. You can send your children to the ghetto schools. Let’s talk about that. If you believe in integration, then we’re going to start adopting us some white people to live in our neighborhood.So it is clear that the question is not one of integration or segregation. Integration is a man's ability to want to move in there by himself. If someone wants to live in a white neighborhood and he is black, that is his choice. It should be his rights. It is not because white people will not allow him. So vice versa: If a black man wants to live in the slums, that should be his right. Black people will let him. That is the difference. And it's a difference on which this country makes a number of logical mistakes when they begin to try to criticize the program articulated by SNCC.Now we maintain that we cannot be afford to be concerned about 6 percent of the children in this country, black children, who you allow to come into white schools. We have 94 percent who still live in shacks. We are going to be concerned about those 94 percent. You ought to be concerned about them too. The question is, Are we willing to be concerned about those 94 percent? Are we willing to be concerned about the black people who will never get to Berkeley, who will never get to Harvard, and cannot get an education, so you’ll never get a chance to rub shoulders with them and say, "Well, he’s almost as good as we are; he’s not like the others"? The question is, How can white society begin to move to see black people as human beings? I am black, therefore I am; not that I am black and I must go to college to prove myself. I am black, therefore I am. And don’t deprive me of anything and say to me that you must go to college before you gain access to X, Y, and Z. It is only a rationalization for one's oppression.The -- The political parties in this country do not meet the needs of people on a day-to-day basis. The question is, How can we build new political institutions that will become the political expressions of people on a day-to-day basis? The question is, How can you build political institutions that will begin to meet the needs of Oakland, California? And the needs of Oakland, California, is not 1,000 policemen with submachine guns. They don't need that. They need that least of all. The question is, How can we build institutions where those people can begin to function on a day-to-day basis, where they can get decent jobs, where they can get decent houses, and where they can begin to participate in the policy and major decisions that affect their lives? That’s what they need, not Gestapo troops, because this is not 1942, and if you play like Nazis, we playing back with you this time around. Get hip to that.The question then is, How can white people move to start making the major institutions that they have in this country function the way it is supposed to function? That is the real question. And can white people move inside their own community and start tearing down racism where in fact it does exist? Where it exists. It is you who live in Cicero and stop us from living there. It is white people who stop us from moving into Grenada. It is white people who make sure that we live in the ghettos of this country. it is white institutions that do that. They must change. In order -- In order for America to really live on a basic principle of human relationships, a new society must be born. Racism must die, and the economic exploitation of this country of non-white peoples around the world must also die -- must also die.Now there are several programs that we have in the South, most in poor white communities. We're trying to organize poor whites on a base where they can begin to move around the question of economic exploitation and political disfranchisement. We know -- we've heard the theory several times -- but few people are willing to go into there. The question is, Can the white activist not try to be a Pepsi generation who comes alive in the black community, but can he be a man who’s willing to move into the white community and start organizing where the organization is needed? Can he do that? The question is, Can the white society or the white activist disassociate himself with two clowns who waste time parrying with each other rather than talking about the problems that are facing people in this state? Can you dissociate yourself with those clowns and start to build new institutions that will eliminate all idiots like them.And the question is, If we are going to do that when and where do we start, and how do we start? We maintain that we must start doing that inside the white community. Our own personal position politically is that we don't think the Democratic Party represents the needs of black people. We know it don't. And that if, in fact, white people really believe that, the question is, if they’re going to move inside that structure, how are they going to organize around a concept of whiteness based on true brotherhood and based on stopping exploitation, economic exploitation, so that there will be a coalition base for black people to hook up with? You cannot form a coalition based on national sentiment. That is not a coalition. If you need a coalition to redress itself to real changes in this country, white people must start building those institutions inside the white community. And that is the real question, I think, facing the white activists today. Can they, in fact, begin to move into and tear down the institutions which have put us all in a trick bag that we’ve been into for the last hundred years?I don't think that we should follow what many people say that we should fight to be leaders of tomorrow. Frederick Douglass said that the youth should fight to be leaders today. And God knows we need to be leaders today, 'cause the men who run this country are sick, are sick. So that can we on a larger sense begin now, today, to start building those institutions and to fight to articulate our position, to fight to be able to control our universities -- We need to be able to do that -- and to fight to control the basic institutions which perpetuate racism by destroying them and building new ones? That’s the real question that face us today, and it is a dilemma because most of us do not know how to work, and that the excuse that most white activists find is to run into the black community.Now we maintain that we cannot have white people working in the black community, and we mean it on a psychological ground. The fact is that all black people often question whether or not they are equal to whites, because every time they start to do something, white people are around showing them how to do it. If we are going to eliminate that for the generation that comes after us, then black people must be seen in positions of power, doing and articulating for themselves, for themselves.That is not to say that one is a reverse racist; it is to say that one is moving in a healthy ground; it is to say what the philosopher Sartre says: One is becoming an "antiracist racist." And this country can’t understand that. Maybe it's because it's all caught up in racism. But I think what you have in SNCC is an anti-racist racism. We are against racists. Now if everybody who is white see themself [sic] as a racist and then see us against him, they're speaking from their own guilt position, not ours, not ours.Now then, the question is, How can we move to begin to change what's going on in this country. I maintain, as we have in SNCC, that the war in Vietnam is an illegal and immoral war. And the question is, What can we do to stop that war? What can we do to stop the people who, in the name of our country, are killing babies, women, and children? What can we do to stop that? And I maintain that we do not have the power in our hands to change that institution, to begin to recreate it, so that they learn to leave the Vietnamese people alone, and that the only power we have is the power to say, "Hell no!" to the draft.We have to say -- We have to say to ourselves that there is a higher law than the law of a racist named McNamara. There is a higher law than the law of a fool named Rusk. And there's a higher law than the law of a buffoon named Johnson. It’s the law of each of us. It's the law of each of us. It is the law of each of us saying that we will not allow them to make us hired killers. We will stand pat. We will not kill anybody that they say kill. And if we decide to kill, we're going to decide who we going to kill. And this country will only be able to stop the war in Vietnam when the young men who are made to fight it begin to say, "Hell, no, we ain’t going."Now then, there's a failure because the Peace Movement has been unable to get off the college campuses where everybody has a 2S and not going to get drafted anyway. And the question is, How can you move out of that into the white ghettos of this country and begin to articulate a position for those white students who do not want to go. We cannot do that. It is something -- sometimes ironic that many of the peace groups have beginning to call us violent and say they can no longer support us, and we are in fact the most militant organization [for] peace or civil rights or human rights against the war in Vietnam in this country today. There isn’t one organization that has begun to meet our stance on the war in Vietnam, 'cause we not only say we are against the war in Vietnam; we are against the draft. We are against the draft. No man has the right to take a man for two years and train him to be a killer. A man should decide what he wants to do with his life.So the question then is it becomes crystal clear for black people because we can easily say that anyone fighting in the war in Vietnam is nothing but a black mercenary, and that's all he is. Any time a black man leaves the country where he can’t vote to supposedly deliver the vote for somebody else, he’s a black mercenary. Any time a -- Any time a black man leaves this country, gets shot in Vietnam on foreign ground, and returns home and you won’t give him a burial in his own homeland, he’s a black mercenary, a black mercenary.And that even if I were to believe the lies of Johnson, if I were to believe his lies that we're fighting to give democracy to the people in Vietnam, as a black man living in this country I wouldn’t fight to give this to anybody. I wouldn't give it to anybody. So that we have to use our bodies and our minds in the only way that we see fit. We must begin like the philosopher Camus to come alive by saying "No!" That is the only act in which we begin to come alive, and we have to say "No!" to many, many things in this country.200806/41378浙江湖州市打美白针一针多少钱安吉县治疗疤痕多少钱



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